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Article: Boer Genocide

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    Default Boer Genocide

    ANC planning Zimbabwe style land invasions after World Cup


    intro_image.gifHARARE - South Africa’s ruling party ANC is planning Zimbabwean style land invasions after the FIFA 2010 World Cup, amid reports Zimbabwe’s Zanu PF and War Veterans Association will provide crucial support for the programme, sources in Zimbabwe said on Monday.

    Controversial African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) President, Julius Malema, is set to visit Zimbabwe for a series of meetings with Zanu PF counterparts. The crucial meeting will go a long way in exchanging ideas and preparatory stages for both logistics and mobilisation for sporadic land invasions across the country.

    A member of the Zanu PF security department told our reporter that the basis of Malema’s visit to Harare is a follow up to a secret discussion between President Mugabe and his South African counterpart Jacob Zuma, three weeks ago.

    The source said when South African President Jacob Zuma visited Zimbabwe during the coalition talks between Zanu PF and the MDC, he discussed at length, matters ranging from the British media’s personal attacks on his private life during the recent visit to the United Kingdom and the need to expedite South African land reform.

    It is at this stage that Mugabe converted Zuma into his camp, and the two leaders agreed to join hands in actively assisting each other in the land reform and indigenisation process.

    This week, a high-level delegation in the South African security forces, intelligence and media with close links to the ruling party ANC are travelling to Zimbabwe and they will spend three months training at the Zimbabwe National Army’s Staff College.

    Senior Zimbabwe National army officers who led Zimbabwe’s land invasions will train their South African counterparts and impart knowledge based on their experiences.

    A source said, South African land invasion factor is the reason why Zimbabwean President Mugabe has identified Jabulani Sibanda as the prefered choice to lead the Zimbabwe War Veterans Association in the association’s reported power struggles.

    Sibanda's speaks Ndebele and this is an important factor in his abilities to communicate with South Africa's ANC land invadors, the source said.

    Zanu PF Youth League national secretary for administration Leslie Ncube said Malema was visiting Zimbabwe to discuss and share ideas on "youth empowerment and revolutionary tactics".
    "The ANCYL president will be arriving next week. It will be a three-day visit and other executive members of the ANC youth league will accompany him," Ncube said.

    The Zanu PF youth official said the ANC and his party have enjoyed cordial relationships that date back to the liberation struggle adding these ties would be further strengthened by Malema’s visit.

    "We share the same revolutionary history and they (visiting delegates) are coming to learn from our agrarian reform and indigenisation.

    "The ANC is about to expand its land reforms, and we will share advice and discuss how resources should be equitably distributed to the youth and also how they can benefit from natural resources such as mining," Ncube said.

    Speaking to South African media, Gugule Nkwinti, the Minister of Rural Development and Land Reform accused white farmers of scuttling the land reform programme by frustrating government’s willing buyer willing seller policy through inflating prices.

    He warned South Africa risks sinking into chaos as the patience of new black farmers is running thin as evidenced by sporadic farm invasions.

    "If South Africans who own land  don’t recognise the reality on the ground  and can no walk the mind with government in terms of what is proposed right now then in fact they are the ones who will be responsible for creating conditions of chaos which can be worse than what has been witnessed in Zimbabwe," said Nkwinti.

    Africa’s economic giant needs R 75 billion to acquire 80 million hectares of land by 2014 but this target will not be reached as national coffers are running dry as a result of a litany of service delivery issues that needs to be addressed such as a long housing back log, water and electricity deliveries to millions of households.

    Nkwinti said the South African government is working on a policy aimed at addressing the land inequalities urging farm owners to be more flexible in land redistribution negotiations.

    He said the new policy is about preventing going the disastrous way of distributing land like the one witnessed in Zimbabwe where President Robert Mugabe’s government forcibly took land from previous white owners in chaotic scenes that left many dead since the inception of the programme in 2000.

    "This about preventing Zimbabwe," said Nkwinti.

    He did not elaborate on whether his government will consider amending the constitution to enable it to forcibly take land like what happened in their northern neighbours where the government had to pass legislation to change the constitution allowing it to compulsorily acquire land from white farmers.

    Nkwinti said just like in Zimbabwe where about 4000 white farmers owned most of the country’s arable land, land in South Africa is concentrated in the hands of a few land owners, most of whom are foreigners.

    "We have a major monopoly of land ownership in South Africa and we must break that monopoly," said Nkwinti.

    Nkwinti earlier this month told parliament that the government was adopting a "use it or lose it" policy to encourage increased production capacity but his weekend comments appear to be a shift towards a more radical policy.

    Thousands of poor black South Africans, most of whom still live in abject poverty because of the apartheid era system are waiting for land promised at independence in 1994 and often repeated in campaign speeches by current President Jacob Zuma in his quest for political office last year.

    Just like Zimbabwe, South Africa inherited an unjust land ownership system from the apartheid governments which parceled out all the best farm land to white farmers, leaving blacks to arid land not fit for agricultural purposes.

    The South African government has in the past said it will not go it the Zimbabwe way and often move quickly to crush land related protests and attempts at invading farms owned by white farmers though it has largely been unable to stop farm murders but this time it appears it is starting to feel the people power.

    Farm seizures are blamed for plunging Zimbabwe – once a net exporter of the staple maize grain – into severe food shortages since 2001 after black peasant farmers resettled on former white farms failed to maintain production because the government failed to support them with financial resources, inputs and skills training.

    The Zimbabwe Mail.

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    Default Julius Malema en die Boere

    White farmers 'being wiped out'




    Over 3,000 have been killed since 1994. Now the ANC is accused of fanning the hate.

    A man walks through a field of crosses erected near Pretoria, South Africa, to honour mostly white farmers who have died in farm attacks over past decade.

    Dan McDougall in Ceres, Western Cape

    THE gunmen walked silently through the orchard. Skirting a row of burnt-out tyres, set ablaze months earlier to keep the budding fruit from freezing, they drew their old .38 revolvers.

    Inside his farmhouse Pieter Cillier, 57, slept with his 14-year-old daughter Nikki at his side. His 12-year-old son JD was having a sleepover with two teenagers in an adjoining room.

    As the intruders broke in, the farmer woke. He rushed to stop them, only to be shot twice in the chest.

    In his death throes he would have seen his killers and then his children standing over him, screaming and crying.

    The attackers, who were drug addicts, simply disappeared into the night. Cillier’s murder, at Christmas, was barely reported in the local press. It was, after all, everyday news.

    Death has stalked South Africa’s white farmers for years. The number murdered since the end of apartheid in 1994 has passed 3,000.

    In neighbouring Zimbabwe, a campaign of intimidation that began in 2000 has driven more than 4,000 commercial farmers off their land, but has left fewer than two dozen dead.

    The vulnerability felt by South Africa’s 40,000 remaining white farmers intensified earlier this month when Julius Malema, head of the African National Congress’s (ANC’s) youth league, opened a public rally by singing Dubula Ibhunu, or Shoot the Boer, an apartheid-era anthem, that was banned by the high court last week.

    Malema’s timing could hardly have been worse. Last weekend in the remote farming community of Colenso, in KwaZulu-Natal, Nigel Ralfe, 71, a dairy farmer, and his wife Lynette, 64, were gunned down as they milked their cows. He was critically injured; she died.

    That same day a 46-year-old Afrikaner was shot through his bedroom window as he slept at his farm near Potchefstroom. A few days later a 61-year-old was stabbed to death in his bed at a farm in Limpopo.

    The resurrection of Dubula Ibhunu, defended by senior ANC officials as little more then a sentimental old struggle song, has been greeted with alarm by Tom Stokes, of the opposition Democratic Alliance. He said the ANC’s continued association with the call to kill Boers could not be justified.

    “Any argument by the ANC that this song is merely a preservation of struggle literature rings hollow in the face of farming families who have lost wives, mothers and grandmothers,” he added.

    He was supported by Anton Alberts of the right-wing Freedom Front Plus party: “Malema’s comments are creating an atmosphere that is conducive to those who want to commit murder. He’s an accessory to the wiping out of farmers in South Africa.”

    Rossouw Cillier, Pieter’s brother, bristled as he pointed to the bullet holes in the panelled kitchen of the farmhouse near Ceres in the Western Cape. “They shot him through the fridge from the back door — the bullets came straight through here, into his heart. He never had a chance,” he said.

    A successful apple and pear grower, he believes his community is living on borrowed time: “More white farmers have been killed than British soldiers in Afghanistan and Iraq. Yes, we are at war here.”

    His brother’s farmhouse is now shuttered and empty. “I can’t spend time here. We’ll have to sell. This farm has been in our family for generations but it must go. Who’ll manage it? The children will never come back here. They held their own father as he died in front of them. Will they ever get over that?”

    As we walked across the orchard, fruit destined for the shelves of Tesco and Sainsbury’s in the UK was still being picked. A tractor passed a 10ft cross erected in honour of the murdered farmer.

    “It lights up at night,” Rossouw said. “My brother was a religious man. It’s all that’s left of him here.”

    Across South Africa many farmers feel endangered. In Northern Province a tribute has been created beneath an enormous sign with the stark Afrikaans word “plaasmoorde” — farm killings. Thousands of white wooden crosses have been planted across a mountainside, one for each fallen farmer.

    Recently the government’s department of rural development has been airing proposals to nationalise productive farmland as a “national asset”. Critics claim it is designed to deflect criticism from the ruling ANC’s failures.

    “It’s a lot easier talking about nationalising farms than building decent houses, making clean water come out of taps or honouring promises to redistribute farm plots to millions of landless poor,” said a spokesman for AgriSA, the farmers’ union.

    On the outskirts of Ceres there are few groceries in the township store — tins of pilchards, baked beans, some dried biscuits. A group of teenage boys sit on the burnt-out remains of a Ford Escort. This is where Cillier’s killers gathered, in a shebeen, a drinking club, where they fortified themselves with cheap hooch before they set off to rob him. They escaped with nothing.

    According to Rossouw Cillier the most telling detail is that his brother was unarmed when they attacked. “If we brandish a weapon, we’ll go to prison, not them. What did they gain from this murder? It was an act as pointless as their lives.”

    TimesOnline

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    Default Julius Malema en die Boere

    Genocide of Africa’s white farmers.


    CofCC.org News Team

    The systematic murder of white farmers in South Africa, Zimbabwe, and other African nations have killed thousands of white farmers, white family members, as well as black farm workers employed by whites. The attacks have decimated Africa’s agriculture industry and contributed to the starvation of hundreds of thousands of Africans, particularly in Zimbabwe.

    White farmers in South Africa are four times more likely to be murdered that other South Africans. (Keep in mind that South Africa has one of the highest murder rates in the world to begin with, some say the highest.) Watch video below. An international expert on Genocide says violent racially motivated murders of whites are escalating and that South Africa is on the brink committing a mass “genocide” of white people.

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=<object width="480" height="385"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/3S71PbichSw&hl=en_US&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/3S71PbichSw&hl=en_US&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object>

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=<object width="480" height="385"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/X38CW6l-em4&hl=en_US&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/X38CW6l-em4&hl=en_US&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="480" height="385"></embed></object>

    Source

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    Default Boer Genocide

    Eugene Terre’blanche victim of horrific racially motivated farm murder.




    Eugene Terre’blanche, a South African white separatist leader who survived a six year political imprisonment by the ANC regime, was bludgeoned to death in a brutal farmhouse invasion.

    Eugene Terre’blanche was voted #25 on the South African Broadcast Networks’ “100 Greatest South Africans.”

    Since the take over of South Africa by the ANC, over 3,000 white farmers have been murdered. Recently a South African court banned an ANC song about killing white farmers. ANC leaders publicly defended the song’s lyrics and vowed to keep singing it.

    The situation on South Africa’s farms has become so bad that major papers and international human rights groups have taken notice.

    The UK Times recently ran the headline “White Farmers being wiped out.”

    Source

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    Default Re: Boer Genocide

    TAU: Get ready to fight farm invasions



    CEDRIC MBOYISA

    JOHANNESBURG - Agricultural union TAU (the Transvaal Agricultural Union) has called on white farmers to take up arms in preparation for so-called Zimbabwe-style farm invasions in South Africa.

    “We urge our members to improve their self-defence abilities, including firearm skills, in order to defend themselves effectively.

    “It is therefore necessary to activate shooting clubs and to implement contingency plans,” said TAU SA president Ben Marais yesterday.

    Marais went as far as claiming the government had probably been behind the murder of AWB leader Eugene Terre’Blanche. “TAU is convinced, based on evidence, the murder of Mr Terre’Blanche was no ordinary crime, but a political murder, probably involving government.

    “TAU SA is demanding a discussion with government within the next 14 days ...” he said.

    Government spokesman Themba Maseko dismissed Marais’s allegation as “absolute rubbish”.

    Marais also denied that farmers mistreated their employees. “Workers have the option of leaving the farms where they perceive to be ill- treated, to seek better treatment, accommodation, salary and fringe benefits.

    “Maybe this could be found on the approximately 45% of agricultural land that the government has direct control over,” he added.

    Young Communist League national secretary Buti Manamela accused Marais of blowing things out of proportion and of fuelling racial tensions.

    “The ‘swaart-gevaar’ mentality instigated by TAU SA will do nothing but give irresponsible white farmers (the go-ahead) to illegally dismiss farm workers and evict them from ‘their property’ en- masse in order to create farms into war zones between evicted and dismissed farm workers and farmers.

    “If TAU SA is allowed to call for the arming of farmers, this is equal to a declaration of war and therefore, failure by police to intervene in this regard should inevitably lead to farm workers’ unions and political formations to arm workers in their own defence,” he said.

    The Citizen

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    Default Re: Boer Genocide

    Statement by the South African Institute of Race Relations on the ramifications of the killing of Eugène Terre'Blanche - 6th April 2010


    The Institute desisted from issuing a formal statement in the immediate aftermath of the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche in order to first gauge the broader social, political, and international reaction to the killing. The Institute is now in a position to make the following points.

    Racial tensions in the country appear to have increased significantly in recent weeks. This appears to be chiefly as a result of incitement by the ruling African National Congress to ‘shoot and kill’ the Afrikaner ethnic minority in the country. The anxiety around this incitement may well have influenced opinions across the broader white community. What appears to be the case is that much of the racial rapprochement that characterised the first 15 years of South Africa’s democracy is being undone. This rapprochement saw both black and white South Africans come to occupy a middle ground on race relations upon which the maintenance of future stable race relations depends.


    Since 1994 the number of white farmers and their families murdered in South Africa is conservatively put at around 1 000. It may very well be much higher. There are currently an estimated 40 000 commercial farmers in the country. Over this same period in the region 250 000 South Africans out of a total current population of approximately 47 million have been murdered. Criminal violence can therefore be described as ‘rampant’ and has done considerable damage to the social fabric of the country. However, this is not to say that all murders in the country are a function of simple criminal banditry. In an environment where law and order has largely collapsed the consequences of incitement by political leaders to commit murder must be taken seriously.

    Over the same period the policy measures put in place by the Government to raise the living standards of the black majority have failed to meet expectations. The key interventions of affirmative action and black economic empowerment have been exploited by the African National Congress to build a network of patronage that has made elements of its leadership extremely wealthy. The party also appears to have been so overwhelmed by corrupt tendencies that it is no longer able to act decisively against corrupt behaviour.

    It has also through incompetence and poor policy been unable to address failures in the education system which are now the primary factor retarding the economic advancement of black South Africans.

    At the same time the party is acutely aware that its support base of poor black South Africans has begun to turn against it. Violent protest action against the ruling party is now commonplace around the country.

    In order to shore up support in the black community the ANC increasingly appears to be seeking to shift the blame for its delivery failures onto the small white ethnic minority, which today comprises well under 10% of the total population of South Africa. Here parallels may be read to the behaviour of Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe when that party realised that its political future was in peril. The ANC Youth League’s recent visit to Zanu-PF which saw it endorse that party’s ruinous polices are pertinent here.

    In such an environment it is plausible to consider that the ANC’s exhortations to violence may be a contributing factor to the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche. Certainly the ANC’s protestations to the contrary seem ridiculous as the party is in effect saying that its followers pay no attention to what it says - this from a party that routinely claims that it is the manifestation of the will of all black South Africans. This is not to say that a labour dispute or some other matter could not have inflamed tensions on the Terre'Blanche farm. Rather it is to say that a number of different matters should be considered in determining the motivation for the crime.

    Certainly the ANC’s exhortations to violence have created a context where the killings of white people will see a degree of suspicion falling around the party and its supporters.

    It is of concern therefore that the police’s senior management are on record as saying that they will not consider a political motive or partial motive for the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche. This suggests an early effort to cover up the ANC’s possible culpability for inciting the crime.

    Should any allegations of a political cover-up arise in the pending murder trial of the two young men accused of the Terre'Blanche murder the political consequences could be significant. Should evidence be led that the two young men acted with what they understood to be the tacit backing of the ANC, and a causal link between their actions and incitement by the ANC be established, then the possibility of charging the ANC’s senior leadership in connection to the murder arises. Equally plausible is that the Terre'Blanche family and the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging could bring a civil suit against the ANC and the Government.

    It is possible that the killing of Mr Terre'Blanche will greatly strengthen the hand of a new hardened right wing in South Africa. In life Mr Terre'Blanche attracted a small, uninfluential, and extremist following. He will not be mourned for what he stood for. However, in death he may come to represent the experiences of scores of minority groups in the country who perceive themselves as being on the receiving end of racist and now also violent abuse from the ANC. In effect therefore Mr Terre'Blanche may be seen as having been martyred for a minority cause in the country.

    The implications of a resurgent right wing will be numerous. It is most unlikely that this right wing will take the form of camouflage clad henchmen on horses in shows of force. The ANC has also often, wrongly, identified groups including the political opposition, Afriforum, agricultural unions, and even this Institute as ‘the right wing’. This silly ‘red under every bed’ attitude in the ANC saw it lose the trust of many civil society and political groups. These groups could all be defined first and foremost by the common belief that they had to act within the bounds of what the Constitution prescribed.

    But the ANC belittled and undermined them. It also undermined parliament, the national prosecution service, and the various human rights and other organisations that were established under the Constitution. It may yet usurp the independence of the courts and the judiciary. The result was a shutting down of many of the democratic channels that were created for citizens in the country to make the Government aware of their concerns and circumstances.

    The resurgence of a new political consciousness among minorities could drive an altogether different political force. Such a movement will draw its strength chiefly from a hardening attitudes in the white community but perhaps also in the Indian and coloured communities. These will be views that in the main have come to subscribe to some or all of the following points:

    That the Government has corrupted and debilitated many of the country’s internal democratic processes for political or civil expression that were established under the Constitution
    That cooperation with the current Government of South Africa is therefore fundamentally unfeasible and therefore futile
    That the Government is unable to restore law and order in the country
    That the Government is therefore unable protect its citizens
    That the Government has a hostile agenda against minority groups

    However it is equally, if not most likely, that many minorities who subscribe to the five points above may simply get so fed up that those who can will pack up and go. Here they may take the advice of President Zuma to remain calm as they pack up their businesses and their families and calmly board aircraft for Australia, New Zealand, Canada, the United States, and Great Britain. With the exodus will leave much of the tax and expertise base of the country.

    Should the ANC, however, find itself facing increased political resistance it will in many respects have a tiger by the tail. Firstly, the ANC depends greatly on the tax income paid by white South Africans to balance South Africa’s books. Secondly, it depends entirely on the food produced by a small number of white farmers to feed the country. Thirdly, white South Africans still dominate the skills base of the country. Finally, and most importantly, much white opinion since the early 1990s has been moderate. White South Africa has been willing and often eager to cooperate with the Government in building an open, non-racial, and prosperous South Africa. Losing that cooperation will to an extent put an end to any serious chance that the ANC has of leading South Africa to become a successful and prosperous democracy.

    While the ANC will be inclined to blame whites for this, and may even take drastic action to confiscate white commercial interests as they are currently doing in agriculture, these actions will be ruinous for the economy. The result of such ruin will be to drive a deeper wedge between the ANC and its traditional support base and thereby hasten the political decay of the party.

    When General Constand Viljoen decided to throw his lot in with democracy in the early 1990s the right wing in South Africa was a spent force. So it should and could have remained. The ANC could have taken advantage of white expertise and tax revenue to realise their own vision of a better life for all. Things have however gone badly wrong for the party. Corruption has destroyed its ability to meet the demands of its constituents while racial bigotry has now seen it defending its image against what should have been an insignificant and dying neo-Nazi faction in the country.

    The failure of sensible South Africans to take back the racial middle ground in the country will be serious. Polarisation will beget further racial conflict and a hardening of attitudes on all sides. This is perhaps the greatest leadership test that the current Government has faced and it is one that they cannot afford to fail.

    - Frans Cronje

    Source

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    Default Re: Boer Genocide

    Quote Originally Posted by Die Ou Man View Post
    Statement by the South African Institute of Race Relations on the ramifications of the killing of Eugène Terre'Blanche - 6th April 2010


    He will not be mourned for what he stood for.
    - Frans Cronje

    Source

    Frans Cronje is besig met propaganda, die wat oor Eugene Terre'blanche treur, treur juis oor sy beginsels.

    Ander maak dit af as bloot nog 'n "nommer" in die geskiedenisboeke, die res beskou dit as 'n prestasie/oorwinning.

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    Default Re: Boer Genocide



    Die onwillekeurige vraag kom op wat baie duidelik vra:

    Wys vir ons uit nog een man wat deur die jare 60, 70, 80, 90 tot nou toe met 'n onverskrokke onsteurbare ystere wil so opgestaan het vir sy "mense", soos die pas wreed vermoorde AWB Leier? Daar is net nie regtig so iemand nie... myself ingesluit, jammerlik tog!

    Nie almal was te vinde vir sy ideologiee nie, maar dat hy vir ons almal wat wit is, opgestaan het, was 'n feit!

    Ek wil my verstout om die sirkel van lewe hier in te bring, dalkies herleef ons die verlede hier soos Oom Niklaas tereg uitgewys het dat ons weer deur 'n Bloedrivier sal gaan... smeltkroese en al...

    • 464 manne veg by Wendag en God lei die wenresep

    • As volk gee ons nie gehoor aan die Gelofte se beloftes aan God nie

    • Nou vind ons ons as volk weer voor en onder die aanslag van die Zulu volk met ons as volk weer wat totale uitwissing in die gesig gestaar

    • Met die huidige regering, wet en orde, besigheid, en internationale teenkanting teen ons, staan ons weer rug teen die muur...

    • Die 464 het nou vol sirkel gekom tot 46664


    Voor daardie geveg was daar 'n man wat ook opgestaan het en sy merk vir die volk onverskrokke gemaak het, wat snaaks genoeg ook met 'n kierie en lem gedood is, genaamd Piet Retief. Die traktaat waarvoor hy beskik het, bestaan vandag nog as bewys van grondelike selfbeskikking vir 'n eie volk as Boerland, wat gelei het tot die ontstaan van die drie Boere Republieke.

    Dit bring my terug by Eugene... watse traktaat het hy vir ons agtergelaat nou... vol sirkel, martelaar voor die volgende Bloedrivier?

    Almal praat oorlog... gaan ons die geveg in sonder God? want ek hoor nie dat ons enigsins nou saam moet staan en bid nie... ons kerke is leeg en ons harte moedeloos...

    Dit laat mens dink.. of hoe?

    groetnis
    knipmes

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